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Congressman Wright Patman, chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, noted from the floor of Congress that the establishment of the Rockefeller Foundation effectively insulated Standard Oil from competition . The controlling stock had been removed from market manipulation or possible buy-outs by competitors . It also relieved Standard Oil from most taxation, which then placed a tremendous added burden on individual American taxpayers . Although a Rockefeller relative by marriage, Senator Nelson Aldrich, Republican majority leader in the Senate, had pushed the General Education Board charter through Congress, the Rockefeller Foundation charter proved to be more difficult . Widespread criticism of Rockefeller's monopolistic practices was heard, and his effort to insulate his profits from taxation or takeover was seen for what it was . The charter was finally pushed through in 1913 (the significant Masonic numeral 13-1913 was also the year the progressive income tax and of the enactment of the Federal Reserve Act) . Senator Robert F. Wagner of New York, another senator from Standard Oil (there were quite a few), ramrodded the Congressional approval of the charter The charter was then signed by John D. Rockefeller, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Henry Pratt Judson, president of the Rockefeller established University of Chicago, Simon Flexner, director of the Rockefeller Institute, Starr Jameson, described in Who's Who as "personal counsel to John D. Rockefeller in his benevolences," and Charles W Eliot, president of Harvard University.

The Rockefeller Oil Monopoly is now 125 years old, yet in 1911, the Supreme Court, bowing to public outrage, had ruled that it had to be broken up . The resulting companies proved to be no problem for the Rockefeller interests . The family retained a two per cent holding in each of the "new" companies, while the Rockefeller foundations took a three per cent stock holding in each company . This gave them a five per cent stock interest in each company ;&n! bsp; a one per cent holding in a corporation is usually sufficient to maintain working control.

The involvement of the Rockefellers in promoting the world Communist Revolution also developed from their business interests . There was never any commitment to the Marxist ideology ; like anything else, it was there to be used . At the turn of the century Standard Oil was competing fiercely with Royal Dutch Shell for control of the lucrative European market . Congressional testimony revealed that Rockefeller had sent large sums to Lenin and Trotsky to instigate the Communist Revolution of 1905 . His banker, Jacob Schiff, had previously financed the Japanese in their war against Russia and had sent a personal emissary, George Kennan to Russia to spend some twenty years in promoting revolutionary activity against the Czar . When the Czar abdicated, Trotsky was placed on a ship with three hundred Communist revolutionaries from the Lower East Side of New York . Rockefeller obtained a special passport for Trotsky from Woodrow Wilson and sent Lincoln Steffens with him to make sure he was returned safely to Russia . For traveling expenses, Rockefeller placed a purse containing $10,000 in Trotsky's pocket .

On April 13, 1917, when the ship stopped in Halifax, Canadian Secret Service officers immediately arrested Trotsky and interned him in Nova Scotia . The case became an international cause celebre, as leading government officials from several nations frantically demanded Trotsky's release . The Secret Service had been tipped off that Trotsky was on his way to take Russia out of the war, freeing more German armies to attack Canadian troops on the Western Front . Prime Minister Lloyd George hurriedly cabled orders from London to the Canadian Secret Service to free Trotsky at once--they ignored him . Trotsky was finally freed by the intervention of one of Rockefeller's most faithful stooges, Canadian Minister Mackenzie King, who had long been a "labor specialist" for the Rockefellers . King personally obtained Trotsky' s release and sent him on his way as the emissary of the Rockefellers, commissioned to win the Bolshevik Revolution . Thus Dr. Armand Hammer, who loudly proclaims his influence in Russia as the friend of Lenin, has an insignificant claim compared to the role of the Rockefellers in backing world Communism . Although Communism, like other isms, had originated with Marx's association with the House of Rothschild, it enlisted the reverent support of John D. Rockefeller because he saw Communism for what it is, the ultimate monopoly, not only controlling the government, the monetary system and all property, but also a monopoly which, like the corporations it emulates, is self-perpetuating and eternal ! ; It was the logical progression from his Standard Oil monopoly .

An important step on the road to world monopoly was the most far-reaching corporation invented by the Rothschilds . This was the international drug and chemical cartel, I.G. Farben . Called "a state within a state," it was created in 1925 as Interessen Gemeinschaft Farbenindustrie Aktien gesellschaft, usually known as I.G. Farben, which simply meant "The Cartel". It had originated in 1904, when the six major chemical companies in Germany began negotiations to form the ultimate cartel, merging Badische Anilin, Bayer, Agfa, Hoechst, Weiler-ter-Meer, and Greisheim-Electron . The guiding spirit, as well as the financing, came from the Rothschilds, who were represented by their German banker, Max Warburgs, of M.M. Warburg Company, Hamburg . He later headed the German Secret Service during World War I and was personal financial adviser to the Kaiser . When the Kaiser was overthrown, after losing the war, Max Warburg was not exiled with him to Holland, instead he became the financial adviser to the new government . Monarchs may come and go, but the real power remains with the bankers . While representing Germany at the Paris Peace Conference, Max Warburg spent pleasant hours renewing family ties with his brother, Paul Warburg, who, after drafting the Federal Reserve Act at Jekyll Island, had headed the U.S. banking system during the war . He was in Paris as Woodrow Wilson's financial advisor .

I.G. Farben soon had a net worth of six billion marks, controlling some five hundred firms . Its first president was Professor Carl Bosch . During the period of the Weimar Republic, I.G. officials, seeing the handwriting on the wall, began a close association with Adolf Hitler, supplying much needed funds and political influence . The success of the I.G. Farben cartel had aroused the interest of other industrialists . Henry Ford was favorably impressed and set up a German branch of Ford Motor Company . Forty per cent of the stock was purchased by I.G. Farben . I.G. Farben then established an American subsidiary, called American I.G., in cooperation with Standard Oil of New Jersey . Its directors included Walter Teagle, president of Standard Oil, Paul Warburg of Kuhn Loeb & Company and Edsel Ford, representing the Ford interests. John Foster Dulles, for the law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell, became the attorney for I.G., frequently traveling between New York and Berlin on cartel business . His law partner, Arthur Dean, is now director of the $40 million Teagle Foundation which was set up before Teagle's death . Like other fortunes it had become part of the network . Like John Foster Dulles, Arthur Dean has been a director of American Banknote for many years; this is the firm which supplies the paper for our dollar bills . Dean also has been an active behind the scenes government negotiator, serving as arms negotiator at disarmament conferences . Dean was also a director of Rockefeller's American Ag & Chem Company . He was a director of American Solvay, American Metal and other firms . As attorney for the wealthy Hochschild family, who owned Climax Molybdenum and American Metal, Dean became director of their family foundation, the Hochschild Foundation . Dean is director emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Asia Foundation, International House, Carnegie Foundation, and the Sloan Kettering Cancer Center .

In 1930, Standard Oil announced that it had purchased an alcohol monopoly in Germany, a deal which had been set up by I.G. Farben . After Hitler came to power, John D. Rockefeller assigned his personal press agent, Ivy ! Lee, to Hitler to serve as a full-time adviser on the rearmament of Germany, a necessary step for setting up World War II . Standard Oil then built large refineries in Germany for the Nazis and continued to supply them with oil during World War II . In the 1930s Standard Oil was receiving in payment from Germany large shipments of musical instruments and ships which had been built in German yards .


The dreaded Gestapo, the Nazi police force, was actually built from the worldwide intelligence network which I.G. Farben had maintained since its inception . Herman Schmitz, who had succeeded Carl Bosch as head of I.G., has been personal advisor to chancellor Brüning; when Hitler took over, Schmitz then became his most trusted secret counselor . So well concealed was the association that the press had orders never to photograph them together . Schmitz was named an honorary member of the Reichstag, while his assistant, Carl Krauch, became Göring's principal advisor in carrying out the Nazis' Four Year Plan A business associate, Richard Krebs, later testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee, "The I.G. Farbenindustrie, I know from personal experience, was already, in 1934, completely in the hands of the Gestapo." This was a misstatement ; the I.G. Farben had merely allied itself with the Gestapo .

In 1924 Krupp Industries was in serious financial difficulty; the firm was saved by a $10 million cash loan from Hallgarten & Company and Goldman Sachs, two of Wall Street's best known firms . The planned re-armament of Germany was able to proceed only after Dillon Read floated $100 million of German bonds on Wall Street for that purpose .&nubs; It was hardly surprising that at the conclusion of the Second World War, General William Draper was appointed Economic Czar of Germany, being named head of the Economic Division of the Allied Military Government . He was a partner of Dillon Read .

In 1939 Frank Howard, a vice-president of Standard Oil visited Germany . He later testified, "We did our best to work out complete plans for a modus vivendi which would operate throughout the term of the war, whether we came in or not." At this time American I.G. had on its board of directors Charles Mitchell, president of the National City Bank, the Rockefeller bank, Carl Bosch, Paul Warburg, Herman Schmitz and Schmitz' nephew, Max Ilgner .

Although his name is hardly known, Frank Howard was for many years a key figure in Standard Oil operations as director of its research and its international agreements . He also was chairman of the research committee at Sloan Kettering Institute during the 1930s; his appointee at Sloan Kettering, Dusty Rhoads, headed the experimentation in the development of chemotherapy . During the Second World War Rhoads headed the Chemical Warfare Service in Washington at U.S. Army Headquarters . It was Frank Howard who had persuaded both Alfred Sloan and Charles Kettering of General Motors in 1939 to give their fortunes to the Cancer Center, which then took on their names . A member of the wealthy Atherton family, Frank Howard (1891-1964) had married a second time, his second wife being a leading member of the British aristocracy, the Duchess of Leeds . The first Duke of Leeds was titled in 1694, Sir Thomas Osborne, who was one of the key conspirators in the overthrow of King James II and the seizure of the throne of England by William III in 1688 .&nubs; Osborne had made peace with Holland during the reign of King Charles II, and single-handedly promoted the marriage of Mary, daughter of the Duke of York, to William of Orange in 1677 . The Dictionary of National Biography notes that Osborne "for five years managed the House of Commons by corruption and enriched himself." He was impeached by King Charles II for treasonous negotiations with King Louis XIV and imprisoned in the Tower of London from 1678 to 1684 . After his release, he again became active in the conspiracy to bring in William of Orange as King of England and secured the crucial province of York for him. William then created him Duke of Leeds . The placing of William on the throne of England made it possible for the conspirators to implement the crucial step in their plans, setting up the Bank of England in 1694 . This enabled the Amsterdam bankers to gain control of the wealth of the British Empire . Osborne's biography also notes that he was later accused of Jacobite intrigues and was impeached for receiving a large bribe to procure the charter for the East India Company in 1695, but "the proceedings were not concluded". It was further noted that he "left a large fortune".

The 11th Duke of Leeds was Minister to Washington from 1931 to 1935, Minister to the Holy See from 1936 to 1947, that is, throughout the Second World War . One branch of the family married into the Delano family, becoming relatives of Franklin Delano Roosevelt . A cousin, Viscount Chandos, was a prominent British official, serving in the War Cabinet under Churchill from 1942 to 1945, later becoming a director of the Rothschild firm, Alliance Assurance, and Imperial Chemical Industries .

Frank Howard was the key official in maintaining relations between Standard Oil and I.G. Farben . He led in the development of synthetic rubber, which was crucial to Germany in the Second World War; he later wrote a book, "Buna Rubber". He also was the consultant to the drug firm, Rohm and Haas, representing the Rockefeller connection with that firm . In his later years, he resided in Paris, but continued to maintain his office at 30 Rockefeller Center, New York .

Walter Teagle, the president of Standard Oil, owned 500,000 shares of American I.G., these shares later becoming the basis of the Teagle Foundation . Herman Metz, who was also a director of American I.G., was president of H.A. Metz Company, New York, a drug firm wholly owned by I.G Farben of Germany . Francis Garvan, who had served as Alien Property Custodian during the First World War, knew many secrets of I.G. Farben's operations . He was prosecuted in 1929 to force him to remain silent . The action was brought by the Department of Justice through Attorney General Merton Lewis, the former counsel for Bosch Company . John Krim, former counsel for the German Embassy in the United States, testified that Senator John King had been on the payroll of the Hamburg American Line for three years at a salary of fifteen thousand dollars a year; he appointed Otto Kahn as treasurer of his election fund; Homer Cummings, who had been Attorney General for six years, then became counsel for General Aniline and Film at a salary of $100,000 a year.


During the Second World War, GAF was supposedly owned by a Swiss firm; it came under considerable suspicion as an "enemy" concern and was finally taken over by the United States government . John Foster Dulles had been director of GAF from 1927 to 1934; he was also a director of International Nickel, which was part of the network of I.G Farben firms . Dulles was related to the Rockefeller family through the Avery connection . He was attorney for the organization of a new investment firm, set up by Avery Rockefeller, in 1936 which was called Schröder-Rockefeller Company . It combined operations of the Schröder Bank, Hitler's personal bank and the Rockefeller interests . Baron Kurt von Schröder was one of Hitler's closest confidantes, and a leading officer of the SS . He was head of the Keppler Associates, which funneled money to the SS for leading German Corporations . Keppler was the official in charge of Industrial Fats during Göring's Four Year Plan, which was launched in 1936. American I.G. changed its name to General Aniline and Film during the Second World War, but it was still wholly owned by I.G. Chemie of Switzerland, a subsidiary of I.G. Farben of Germany . It was headed by Gadow, brother-in-law of Herman Schmitz . I.G. Farben's international agreements directly affected the U.S. war effort, because they set limits on U.S. supplies of magnesium, synthetic rubber and, crucial medical supplies . The director of I.G. Farben's dyestuffs division, Baron George von Schnitzler, was related to the powerful von Rath family, the J.H. Stein Bankhaus which held Hitler's account and the von Mallinckrodt family, the founders of the drug firm in the United States .


Like other I.G. officials, he had become an enthusiastic supporter of the Hitler regime . I.G. Farben gave four and a half million reichsmarks to the Nazi Party in 1933 ; by 1945, I.G. had given the Party 40 million reichsmarks, a sum which equaled all contributions by I.G. to all other recipients during that period . One scholar of the Nazi era, Anthony Sutton, has focused heavily on German supporters of Hitler, while ignoring the crucial role played by the Bank of England and its Governor, Sir Montague Norman, in financing the Nazi regime . ; Sutton's position on this problem may have been influenced by the fact that he is British . In view of the outspoken statements from Adolf Hitler about Jewish influence in Germany, it would be difficult to explain the role of I.G. Farben in the Nazi era . Peter Hayes' definitive study of I.G. Farben shows that in 1933 it had ten Jews on its governing boards . We have previously pointed out that I.G., from its inception was a Rothschild concern, formulated by the House of Rothschild and implemented through its agents, Max Warburg in Germany and Standard Oil in the United States .

Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands joined the SS during the early 1930s . He then joined the board of an I.G. subsidiary, Farben Bilder, from which he took the name of his postwar super-secret policy making group, the Bilderbergers . Farben executives played an important role in organizing the Circle of Friends for Heinrich Himmler, although it was initially known as Keppler's Circle of Friends, Keppler being the chairman of an I.G. subsidiary . His nephew, Fritz J. Kranefuss, was the personal assistant to Heinrich Himmler . Of the forty members of the Circle of Friends, which provided ample funds for Himmler, eight were executives of I.G. Farben or of its subsidiaries .

Despite the incredible devastation of most German cities from World War II air bombings, the I.G . Farben building in Frankfort, one of the largest buildings there, miraculously survived intact . A large Rockefeller mansion in Frankfort also was left untouched by the war, despite the saturation bombing . Frankfort was the birthplace of the Rothschild family . It was hardly coincidental that the postwar government of Germany, Allied Military Government, should set up its offices in the magnificent I.G. Farben building . This government was headed by General Lucius Clay, who later became a partner of Lehman Brothers bankers in New York . The Political Division was headed by Robert Murphy, who would preside at the Nüremberg Trials, where he was successful in glossing over the implication of I.G. Farben officials and Baron Kurt von Schröder . Schröder was held a short time in a detention camp and then set free to return to his banking business . ; The Economic Division was headed by Lewis Douglas, son of the founder of Memorial Cancer center in New York, president of Mutual Life and director of General Motors . Douglas was slated to become U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, but he agreed to step aside in favor of his brother-in-law, John J. McCloy . By an interesting circumstance, Douglas, McCloy and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer of Germany had all married sisters, the daughters of John Zinsser, a partner of J.P. Morgan Company .

As the world's pre-eminent cartel, I.G. Farben and the drug companies which it controlled in the United States through the Rockefeller interests were responsible for many inexplicable developments in the production and distribution of drugs . From 1908 to 1936 I.G. held back its discovery of sulfanilamide, which would become a potent weapon in the medical arsenal . In 1920, I.G. had signed working agreements with the important drug firms of Switzerland, Sandoz and Ciba-Geigy . In 1926, I.G. merged with Dynamit-Nobel, the German branch of the dynamite firm, while an English firm took over the English division . I.G. officials then began to negotiate with Standard Oil officials about the prospective manufacture of synthetic coal, which would present a serious threat to Standard Oil's monopoly . A compromise was reached with the establishment of American I.G., in which both firms would play an active role and share in the profits .

Charles Higham's book, "Trading with the Enemy," offers ample documentation of the Rockefeller activities during the Second World War . While Hitler's bombers were dropping tons of explosives on London, they were paying royalties on every gallon of gasoline they burned to Standard Oil, under existing patent agreements . After World War II, when Queen Elizabeth visited the United States, she stayed in only one private home during her visit, the Kentucky estate of William Irish, of Standard Oil . Nelson Rockefeller moved to Washington after our involvement in World War II, where Roosevelt named him Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs . Apparently his principal task was to coordinate the refueling of German ships in South America from Standard Oil tanks . He also used this office to obtain important South American concessions for his private firm, International Basic Economy Corporation, including a corner on the Colombian coffee market . He promptly upped the price, a move which enabled him to buy seven billion dollars worth of real estate in South America and also gave rise to the stereotype of the "Yanqui imperialismo". The attack on Vice President Nixon's automobile when he visited South America was explained by American officials as a direct result of the depredations of the Rockefellers, which caused widespread agitation against Americans in Latin America .

After World War II, twenty-four German executives were prosecuted by the victors, all of them connected with I.G. Farben, including eleven officers of I.G . Eight were acquitted, including Max Ilgner, nephew of Herman Schmitz . Schmitz received the most severe sentence, eighty years . Ilgner actually received three years, but the time was credited against his time in jail waiting for trial, and he was immediately released . The Judge was C.G. Shake and the prosecuting attorney was Al Minskoff .

The survival of I.G. Farben was headlined by the Wall Street Journal on May 3, 1988-GERMANY BEATS WORLD IN CHEMICAL SALES Reporter Thomas F. O'Boyle listed the world's top five chemical companies in 1987 as 1. BASF $25.8 billion dollars . 2. Bayer $23.6 billion dollars . 3 . Hoechst $23.5 billion dollars . 4. ICI $20 billion dollars . 5. DuPont $17 billion dollars in chemical sales only .

The first three companies are the firms resulting from the "dismantling" of I.G. Farben from 1945 to 1952 by the Allied Military Government, in a process suspiciously similar to the "dismantling" of the Standard Oil empire by court edict in 1911 . The total sales computed in dollars of the three spin-offs of I.G. Farben, some $72 billion, dwarfs its nearest rivals, ICI and DuPont, who together amount to about half of the Farben empire's dollar sales in 1987 . Hoechst bought Celanese corp . in 1987 for $2.72 billion .

O'Boyle notes that "The Big Three (Farben spin-offs) still behave like a cartel . Each dominates specific areas; head to head competition is limited . Critics suspect collusion . At the least, there's a coziness that doesn' t exist in the U.S. chemical industry."

After the war, Americans were told they must support an "altruistic" plan to rebuild devastated Europe, to be called the Marshall Plan, after Chief of Staff George Marshall, who had been labeled on the floor of the Senate by Senator Joseph McCarthy as "a living lie". The Marshall Plan proved to be merely another Rockefeller Plan to loot the American taxpayer . On December 13, 1948, Col. Robert McCormick, editor of the Chicago Tribune, personally denounced Esso's looting of the Marshall Plan in a signed editorial . The Marshall Plan had been rushed through Congress by a powerful and vocal group, headed by Winthrop Aldrich, president of the Chase Manhattan Bank and Nelson Rockefeller's brother-in-law, ably seconded by Nelson Rockefeller and William Clayton, the head of Anderson, Clayton Company . The Marshall Plan proved to be but one of a number of lucrative postwar swindles, which included the Bretton Woods Agreement, United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation and others .

After World War II, the Rockefellers used their war profits to buy a large share of Union Miniere du Haut Katanga, an African copper lode owned by Belgian interest, including the Societe Generale, a Jesuit controlled bank . Soon after their investment, the Rockefellers launched a bold attempt to seize total control of the mines through sponsoring a local revolution, using as their agent the Grangesberg operation . This enterprise had originally been developed by Sir Ernest Cassel, financial advisor to King Edward VII-Cassel's daughter later married Lord Mountbatten, a member of the British royal family, who was also related to the Rothschilds . Grangesberg was now headed by Bo Hammarskjold, whose brother, Dag Hammarskjold was then Secretary General of the United Nations-Bo Hammarskjold became a casualty of the Rockefeller revolution when his plane was shot down during hostilities in the Congo . ; Various stories have since circulated about who killed him and why he was killed . The Rockefeller intervention in the Congo was carried out by their able lieutenants, Dean Rusk and George Ball of the State Department and by Fowler Hamilton .

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It's All Here!

Dr. Albert Pastore: An Independent Investigation of 9-11 and the War on Terrorism